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Labree on Goals of Education

…This widely varied array of proposed reforms, in turn, is grounded in an equally varied array of analysis defining the root causes of problems with schools. Some argue that the room problem is pedagogical, arising from poor quality and preparation of teachers and from inadequate curriculum. Others argue that the central problem is organizational, arising either from too much bureaucracy (the absence of market incentives) or from too much loose coupling (the absence of effective administrative control). Still others charge that the primary cause of education deficiencies is social, arising from chronic poverty, race discrimination, and the preservation of privilege. Yet another view is that the key problem is cultural, the result of a culture of poverty, disintegrating family values, and a growing gap between school culture and popular culture.

In contrast with these perspectives, I argue that the central problems with American education are not pedagogical or organizational or social or cultural in nature but are fundamentally political. That is, the problem is not that we do not know how to make schools better but that we are fighting among ourselves about what goals schools should pursue. Goal setting is a political, and not a technical problem. It is resolved through a process of making choices and not through a process of scientific investigation. The answer lies in values (what kind of schools we want) and interests (who supports which educational values) rather than apolitical logic.

Schools, it seems, occupy an awkward position at the inersection between what we hope society will become and what we think it really is, between political ideals and economic realities. This in tern leads to some crucial questions: Should schools present themselves as a model of our best hopes for our society and a mechanism for remaking that society in the image of those hopes? Should schools focus on adapting students to the needs of society as currently constructed? Or should they focus primarily on serving the individual hopes and ambitions of their students? The way you choose to answer this question determines the kind of goals you seek to impose on schools.

The terms of this choice arise from a fundamental source of strain at the core of any liberal democratic society, the tension between democratic politics (public rights) and capitalist markets (private rights), between majority control and individual liberty, between political equality and social inequality. In the American setting, the poles of this debate were defined during the country’s formative years by political idealism of Thomas Jefferson and the economic realism of Alexander Hamilton. The essential problem posed by that tension is this: Unfettered economic freedom leads to a highly unequal distribution of wealth and power, which in turn undercuts the possibility for democratic control; but at the same time, restricting such economic freedom in the name of equality infringes on individual liberty, without which democracy can turn into the dictatorship of majority.

… Grounded in this contradictory social context, the history of American education has been a tale of ambivalent goals and muddled outcomes. Like other major institutions in American society, education has come to be defined as an arena that simultaneously promotes equality and adapts to inequality. Within schools, these contradictory purposes have translated into three distinguishable educational goals, each of which has exerted considerable impact without succeeding in eliminating the others, and each of which has at times served to undermine the others. I call these goals democratic equality, social efficiency, and social mobility. These goals differ across several dimensions: the extent to which they portray education as public or private good, the extend to which they understand education as preparation for political or market roles, and the differing perspectives on education that arise depending on one’s particular location in the social structure.

Public Goods, Private Goods: the American Struggle Over Educational Goals. David Labree, American Educational Research Journal 1997, Vol.34, No.1, pp.39-81

Labree在这篇文章里面提出很重要的一个观点,就是用他定义的三个目标:民主平等,社会效率以及社会流动来衡量美国教育发展的脉络。这3个目标代表了不同的社会力量、思潮。他们互相作用,既有互相促进又有互相抵触的时候。作者认为正是这些政治目标的角力推动了美国教育的发展。这篇文章读起来有点绕,但是很清楚的一点是所有的政策都需要一个明确的目标来指导/推动。对于这一点,起码目前在国内教育政策的研究上还没看到什么全面的梳理。在一个不同的社会背景之下,这些因素的互相转换又有怎样结果呢?

高中教育的目标

the reformers aim to improve education by ratcheting up school requirements, yet a large fraction of the students now in high school seem quite immune to such requirements. These students are educationally purposeless. They attend for reasons quite unrelated to learning: because they need to be kept off the street, because they cannot be allowed to compete with older workers, because most of their friends attend, or because the schools are handy places to solve much other problems as driving ability, health, or nutrition. Opinion surveys show repeatedly that most students, like most adults, do not regard academic work as the primary purpose of schools: they give greater importance to social and vocational matters and to personal development. And whatever their reasons for being in school, students are frequently hostage to circumstances that tend to defeat learning. Many students know, for instance, that when they leave school they probably will not be able to find a job or, if they can find one, that it will require only minimal skill or knowledge. They will work on an assembly line, check out groceries, serve hamburgers, sell shoes. It is easy to say that all citizens need to think critically, reason mathematically, and read and write well, but what sort of learning do such dismal economic prospects imply? Perhaps high school teach students what they most need to know: how to endure boredom without protest. These students’ prospects hardly suggest rewards for hard work or for intellectual curiosity. Students who plan for college in part to avoid such a fate know that they do now need to do much high school work to gain college admission. This, too, does little to build academic commitment.

One consequence of these limits on reform is that most students and teachers will cope with the eighties requirements as they have coped with others. Teachers and students will bargain to ease the effects of the requirements. A second consequence, typically ignored by school reformers, is that educational requirements piled onto high school cannot substitute for real economic and social incentives for study. If many demanding and rewarding jobs awaited well-educated high school graduates, lots of students who now take it easy would work harder. If college and university entrance requirements were substantial, many students who know idle through the college track would step on the gas. But when real incentives that make hard work in high school rational for most students are absent, requirements alone have an Alice-in-Wonderland effect, crazily compounding the problems that shcools already have. pp.304

这是昨天介绍的那本书历史部分最后写道的,也重新唤起了一直以来在我心中所有的疑惑。在我看来这是一个人口大国在普及高中教育是所面临的最终极的问题:高中教育的目标究竟是什么?美国的经验告诉我们(见上面引文),大量的问卷和调查发现学生和家长并不把学专业课放在首要考虑的目标。那么对中国来说——我们的社会发展是如此地不平衡——高中教育的目标是什么?如果大部分的人并不是以大学升学为目标,高中只是他们进入社会的前一站,那是不是意味着我们现有的教育目标应该做出大的调整?

重新审视我自己的高中经历,同样的问题也存在:那些很难得物理、化学课,除了对于一小部分今后致力于这个专业的人而言有切身的作用,对于大部分的人,有作用吗?(有谁在高考之后还记得这些东西?)与此同时和备考相关的课程和训练占据了大部分的高中学习时间——不管是在乡村还是城市——那么对于那些只是想就业的学生来说,是不是迎合了他们的需要?美国的经验告诉我们真正能够让学生铭记的高中回忆也许是运动对,辩论队,兴趣小组和那些课外活动。这些在以高考为导向的高中教育中是没有被得到重视的(也无法)。

对于这些问题我们都没有一个确切的答案,但同时我们也知道,高中教育的目标一定要和经济发展的程度相适应。毕业即失业我想恐怕不是不能在任何情况下被称作成功的教育。那么怎么个适应法?这在目前的政策话语中似乎并没有得到充分的体现。

这是一个很丰富的讨论话题,以后肯定还会反复出现的。

阅读:王铭铭:《从弗思的“遗憾”到中国研究的“余地”》

为了探讨文明研究的人类学可能性,近年我提出了中国人类学“三圈说” 做这项工作,由衷的目的是为了认识中国人类学的“遗憾”。“三圈说”,也代表一种学理上的探讨,意在指出,要从中国研究提出具有普遍意义的看法,首先应宏观把握作为一个人类学学术区域的中国,传统上有何社会构成方式。“三圈说”的前提是“天下”这个接近于萨林斯定义的宇宙观的概念。所谓“天下”,是一种不同于近代欧洲中心主义国族观的世界观,在这个世界观中,文明的自我中心主义表现得极其鲜明,由此也产生严格的文化等级主义心态。“天下”可以用“五服”来形容,但从现代语言形容之,则又可从文化观念的角度,划分为核心、中间、外围三圈。三圈之间构成一种接近于费孝通定义的“差序格局”的关系体系 ,如其所形容的,形成一种像将石子投入水中,一圈圈往外推的格局,人文价值决定于关系的远近。所不同的是,此间的“自我”与“他人”是文化整体意义上的,而非个体意义上的。在历史上,“三圈”除了文化的“差序格局”之外,还形成政治经济的关系。帝国在核心圈设立户籍制度,将这个圈子定义为“化内”,对这个意义上的“外”,定义为与中心构成朝贡关系,而非赋税关系的圈子,即使是在某些特定时代搬用“化内”的赋税制度,也采取相对松散得多的方式,放松控制。在这种情景下,即使是“大一统”,也不同于国族时代的“统一”。在不少“大一统帝国”时期,依旧保留了“封建因素”,国家内部政治的区域之分,奠定于历史积累的宏观区域基础上,国家对外的关系,持续地被定义为“核心”与“外圈”的关系,而在宋元以后,“中间圈”则比较长期的维持一种通过土司进行“间接统治”的机制。

原文在此:http://www.xuanju.org/NewsInfo.asp?NewsID=131464#

读罢不但让人感到作为中国研究者的历史责任和道义,更多的恐怕是激起对于这么多未知问题无穷的好奇心吧。

阅读:汪晖《东方主义、民族区域自治与尊严政治》

在苏联解体之后,中国很可能是这个世界上唯一的仍然保持着前20世纪帝国或王朝的幅员和人口构成的社会,但它早已不是清王朝,而是一个主权国家。对于许多西方人而言,如何叙述中国始终是一个问题。我在这里举个例子。英国企鹅丛书中有一本中国历史教材,它所表现出的对中国历史的困惑其实很有典型性。该书第一页的第一句话是这样说的:“这个在英语中称之为China的国家、人民和文化正处于深刻的总体危机之中……”这个“总体危机”是什么呢?在书的末尾,作者交代说,“这是一个由传承而来的文化和政治秩序的危机,是这一文化和政治秩序得以解码的稿本的危机,是一个伪装成现代统一国家的帝国的危机,它的漫长延续似乎正在受到转向一种特定的资本主义的威胁,……” “伪装成现代统一国家的帝国”是这段话也是这本书的关键所在——中国没有遵守族裔的与政治的疆界的同一原则,它的语言与其说是一种民族语,不如说是一种帝国语言,它的历史叙述与其说是民族史,不如说是帝国的宗教。总之,中国既不像他想象的民族,也不像他想象的国家,它不但混杂着诸多的族群,而且也包含了好几个文明。在他看来,这是一个缺乏内在统一性的帝国,只是靠着集权的力量才将不同区域和族群拢在一起。

……在我看来,按照民族主义知识建立起来的这种中国观不可能理解中国的民族区域自治制度的独特实践——这种制度不同于族裔民族主义的政治原则,也不同于多元民族国家的模型——例如,以实行民族自决而形成的加盟共和国类型。中国的民族区域自治制度汲取了传统中国的历史资源,但也是全新的创造,如何在实践中以发展、平等和多样性为方向寻找创新,是真正的挑战。从孙文到中国共产党,他们都曾在民族平等的原则下追随列宁的民族自决理论,但后来以不同的方式寻找适合中国的制度安排,试图超越民族主义的政治模式。

可以google标题找到全文。解释西藏的历史,汉藏的融合,民族主义在中国的发展等方面引证、分析都很全面

语录

上海的司机都不戴安全带。

不管是朋友的车还是出租汽车都没有人用安全带。吓死我了

现在洗头店比公厕都多。

确实,洗头店几乎是遍布大街小巷。厕所还是一样难找。

超市都不给塑料袋了,2毛钱一个自己买。

为了环境,塑料袋都不白给了。还得自己掏钱,这点比美国可要先进多了

稍微有点钱的就买车了。

在朋友家的小区里看到狭小的巷子里都停满了私车。这是一个不怎么新的住宅区,现在的车位都供不应求。即使油那么难加也要买车吗?





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